Chapter Fourteen | The price of disengagement 196 197 "Compensa�on for mental distress means restoring an individual to their former self, vis-a-vis the injury they suffered," explained a�orney Yossi Fuchs. A comparison between the evacua�on-compensa�on process in Yamit vs. Gush Ka�f clarifies the magnitude of the loss and the difficulty in rehabilita�on due to the small compensa�on. In Gush Ka�f, only five months passed between the approval of the evic�on-compensa�on law and the actual evic�on, while in Yamit, it took four years. However, the compensa�on disparity is stark, with Gush Ka�f evacuees receiving significantly less for each year of seniority compared to the compensa�on received by Yamit evacuees. 38 The loss of compensa�on funds and its effect on the evacuees' situa�on The evacuees who lost their livelihood upon the evacua�on and could not find alterna�ve work had to use the compensa�on money for their daily living. Being naive led some of them to be vic�ms of various scams, which le� them penniless. Hundreds of people fell into the honey trap that was laid before them. Losing the compensa�on funds affected other areas of life, such as bad health, family conflicts and divorce. Some of the evacuees had to take out a mortgage to build a house, which was not easy, especially for the elderly," said Yoni Cohen, District Director of the 'Pa'amonim' organiza�on and in charge of Gush Ka�f 'Shvut Sinai' Charity. In his opinion, the economic hardships stemmed from a lower income for those who did find work and increased expenses due to the higher cost of living in the center of Israel compared to Gush Ka�f.39 The insult - the delegi�miza�on - "blackmailing millionaires" In their own eyes, the people of Gush Ka�f were idealis�c, ready to give everything for their state. S�ll, suddenly, they found themselves subject to cri�cism and were required to jus�fy their struggle to get what was taken from them. The a�tude of the media and the environment towards financial compensa�on as the crowning glory of righ�ng the injus�ce - is what angered many evacuees. "You moved into a new house, so why are you complaining?" "You received compensa�on; I wish we had!" - These types of sentences were thrown at them from all sides. Their immense pain was that the media dwarfed the damage caused to them as purely financial and turned them into 'millionaires' and even 'blackmailers,' while in reality, the economic damage was much more minor than the non-financial one—reflected in their loss of security, faith, peace, health, trust in their own country, memories of the past and hopes for the future they planned for themselves and their families. Having to fight for everything, feeling no one cared for them, and that everyone was sure they benefited from the disengagement contributed significantly to their loss of confidence, frustra�on, anger and increased morbidity.40 In his book, wri�en about one year before the disengagement, Sheleg presented the need for social empathy towards the evacuees and special care not to portray them as extor�onists as factors that could mi�gate the crisis.41 It was a prophecy that accurately fulfilled itself, and the leading player was the media. The media played an essen�al part in building legi�macy for the disengagement plan while denying those who opposed it and portraying them as violent and dangerous.42 As the evacua�on date approached, the in�mida�on campaign intensified to the point of threatening the possibility of a civil war and a danger to the existence of the state. The gap that existed in reality - the low dose of violence - was a�ributed to the power of the security forces, and the se�lers were presented as those who reluctantly surrendered to their will and determina�on and not as those who put the integrity of the people and the state first.43 In one extreme case, The Gush Ka�f Commi�ee filed a defama�on lawsuit against a Ha'aretz newspaper reporter. At the end of the trial, a compromise was reached and the reporter apologized. 44 The media 'did not see' nor did it describe the true beauty of Gush Ka�f, the se�lers' contribu�on to the Israeli society and country. We supplied agricultural produce to many support and charity organiza�ons throughout Israel, and they, too, were severely damaged by the uproo�ng. From contributors and givers, produc�ve workers and benefactors, we were turned into recipients of alms, coats and shoes... Oh, the shame... Outsider would not be able to comprehend this," said Rabbi Kaminetzky at the Inves�ga�ve Commi�ee.45 We were only interested in the struggle, not the money," said Doron Ben Shlomi, one of the heads of The Gush Ka�f Commi�ee during and a�er the struggle. "We were willing to risk our money for the right to remain in Gush Ka�f, so our request to receive fair compensa�on does not come from a place of greed."46 State authori�es' treatment a�er the disengagement The State Comptroller's report of 2006 listed a series of failures and omissions by the state in handling the evacuees, among them: delays in budge�ng the Sela Directorate, sluggishness and bureaucracy, lack of coordina�on between the various bodies responsible for the evacua�on, inadequate maintenance of the evacuees' property and insufficient prepara�on for absorbing the evacuees in hotels. The government engaged in material rehabilita�on, neglec�ng its organiza�onal, emo�onal and value aspects. It did not perceive the community as an en�ty eligible for support and never adapted its ac�vi�es to the changing needs. The government wanted compensa�on, but rehabilita�on was really needed within the exis�ng communi�es. A rela�onship of mutual trust between the communi�es and the aid system is a fundamental condi�on for the success of the reconstruc�on. In prac�ce, there was distrust and damaged rela�onships between them. The bureaucra�c structure of government organiza�ons has impaired their ability to provide adequate aid to the communi�es and collaborate with other aid agencies.47 The State Commission of Inquiry established in 2010 found that "the lack of prepara�on stood out throughout the process of handling the evacuees, in all government ministries, and especially in the lack of coordina�on between them. No considera�on was given to the human dimension, and the evacuees were not incorporated as decision-makers or caregivers for their displaced communi�es."48 Only a�er the Commi�ee published its conclusions did the government's a�tude start to transform, and community rehabilita�on began. Undermining religious faith Before the evacua�on, residents reported experiencing difficul�es praying and overwhelming religious doubts.49 A�er their ini�al adapta�on to the temporary-permanent dwellings, some evacuees accepted the displacement as a decree from heaven, God's incomprehensible will, which they have reconciled with. Others saw it as "a trial from God, to see if we choose life."50 And there were also those whose frustra�on at the prayers that were never answered, the rabbis who promised and could not keep their promises, and the tremendous effort that was spent in vain led to diminished religious observance. In a telephone interview in November 2013, Rabbi Yigal Hadaya said: The displacement intensified and brought forth posi�ve forces or caused hidden problems to rise to the surface. For those whose faith was well-founded and firm, the displacement posed an opportunity to show devo�on to what they believed in. They even grew stronger in their belief that everything that happened was God's will and that it would all turn into a blessing by the grace of God, even if the worst happened. However, they could not offer a logical explana�on for the deporta�on decree. These people con�nued observing religion, the Torah and mitzvot, and even (maybe as a counter-ac�on) became even more devout. S�ll, some of them stopped saying praise on Independence Day because they lost faith in the process of redemp�on that con�nues to occur via the State of Israel. On the other hand, for those whose faith was flawed even before, including teenagers without spiritual maturity, the displacement was a profound shock, spiritually and religiously, and led to a decrease or complete cessa�on of observance, given the unsa�sfactory answer to their ques�ons.51 According to Rabbi Nissim Mizrahi, the evacua�on broke up people and families and destroyed their lives. Many s�ll suffer from physical diseases and/or anxiety; divorces are s�ll common, and even death. All of these significantly influenced the religious-spiritual level of the evacuees. "The disintegra�on of the community led to a disintegra�on of its values."52 Loss of the meaningful value of se�lement Gush Ka�f residents, in their resilience, never contemplated leaving the challenging region, even during the most difficult �mes. They took great pride in the privilege they were granted to contribute to the state by actually living there. However, the evacua�on sha�ered their resilience, leaving them without their life's mission, with no goals or ideals, and without the self-worth they once held so dear. The feeling of being the country's trailblazers kept them going all these years, and once it disappeared, everything fell apart. "What kept us together before the evacua�on - our strong faith, our mission, voca�on and the feeling that we were protec�ng the homeland - broke us a�er it, because within five days we became second-class ci�zens," said Monique Zarbiv from Netzer Hazani.53 According to researcher, Dr. Osnat Suede, the crisis of the evacuees was not only ideological, but also social - from pioneers they became a marginalized group. They were thrown into society's backyard, hence the extent of the damage. Their personal and social iden��es were one with their place of residence, their roots, and the loss of these sha�ered their iden�ty and le� them feeling betrayed. The sense of loss, bereavement and trauma plus the humilia�on, ostracism, persecu�on, and having been transformed from supporters to being supported, symbolized their social class, financial and spiritual downfall.54 The evacuees' no�on that the evacua�on was pointless and would eventually damage the State of Israel added to their pain, frustra�on and grief over the loss. Many of them were hurt because good, Zionist people who contributed to the State of Israel were evicted. A�er all, the State had given up an en�re region and, in so doing, damaged Zionist values and uprooted lucra�ve agriculture, which brought revenues into the na�onal coffers without apparent jus�fica�on. If they had only known that there was value in the evacua�on and that they were leaving the Gaza Strip and contribu�ng to the future of the people and the country, everything would have looked different. Everyday predicaments The evacuees reported that their daily func�oning was also impaired because everything else in their lives had changed. They needed to address many new things, such as an unfamiliar environment, a different society and a different loca�on, unemployment or different jobs, decreased standard and quality of life and a change in the rou�ne of family life - overcrowded dwellings, no in�macy and privacy and inability to host friends and family members. All these generated a feeling of hopelessness and helplessness. The evacuees struggled to become familiar with their new environment, find their way home, and learn about the services and ameni�es, such as where the grocery store, the HMO, the pharmacy and the nearby bus stop were. "We have become unhappy people, brimming with disappointment with the state," noted Tova Goren from the dispersed community of Dugit.55 It led to their withdrawal, mistrust, suspicion and anger against the external system.
RkJQdWJsaXNoZXIy MjgzNzA=