Chapter Twelve | The Struggle Over Gush Ka�f 6 4 5 1 2 3 166 167 The orange ribbon came up when Mateh people searched for a conspicuous item to be distributed na�onwide, and the �ming chosen was the eve of Independence Day. The headquarters of the struggle issued a call to all supporters to add an orange ribbon to the Israeli flag hoisted on houses or cars on Independence Day, to strengthen the public atmosphere suppor�ng the campaign. A�aching the orange ribbon to the flag expressed the connec�on of the struggle to the State of Israel and its independence. Hundreds of volunteers went to the intersec�ons and sold the flags with the orange ribbon under the �tle - 'Orange is the most Blue&White.' Travelers on the roads of Israel began seeing more and more Israeli flags with an orange ribbon draped over them. Later on, the orange ribbons were also distributed without the flags, and the orange ribbon gained momentum and went beyond the boundaries of the Zionist-religious sector towards new popula�on groups. Many cars were seen on the roads with an orange ribbon hung inside, and people added orange ribbons to their ou�its in different varia�ons. To leverage this success, the Mateh decided of 'two orange weeks,' a�emp�ng to paint the en�re country orange. First, one million new ribbons were commissioned, and then, 2.5 million more. Later, more orange protests were seen, such as orange informa�on tents on the streets of Tel Aviv and 'Orange Re�rees' - who painted sidewalks orange-white in Ramat Aviv neighborhood as an act of saving parking spaces for uprooted individuals from Gush Ka�f who would come to the neighborhood. The media could not ignore the orange struggle that began to spread across Israel and acknowledged its sweeping victory.17 Proof of this was that the orange color won first place in the Best Campaign Contest held by the economic newspaper 'The Marker' in 2005.18 Adherence to the land and religious faith Despite the great uncertainty of the campaign results, the people of Gush Ka�f chose to con�nue adhering to the land and fight for their faith un�l the last minute, but with a decision to avoid a civil war. It was not a denial because everyone worked hard to curb the decree, and invested �me, energy and capital in the long, exhaus�ng orange campaign.19 There were several reasons for this: First, they saw the campaign as a psychological ba�le for public consciousness and believed that if they demonstrated a con�nuum of everyday life, construc�on and development, it would lead to a democra�c decision. Second, they were led by a Zionist mo�va�on - the se�lement is not just a place to live or make a living, but a Zionist act in its own right, and every addi�onal day of living in Gush Ka�f is a posi�ve act. Third, a value-based mo�va�on - they did not want to be part of the immoral move that goes against the values of Zionism. "Packing their belongings and preparing to leave would make them accomplices in crime. They refused to surrender to the threats, thus conveying a message: "we would not be bought." Fourth, an op�mis�c leap of faith - things can change even at the last moment; hardships would not deter us. For about one year, the residents of Gush Ka�f were under enormous pressure from their family members and friends outside and internal voices. However, it was clear that everything done would be non-violent, and those who stayed and fought un�l the end had more resilience, which helped them be�er deal with the displacement and its outcomes.20 Life of Gush Ka�f Residents Throughout the Orange Campaign The struggle of Gush Ka�f residents and their supporters to cancel the displacement lasted for about a year and a half. It was a busy �me, mentally and familially, with no privacy, children who were le� alone at home for many hours because their parents were busy, and youth who hardly lived at home and hardly studied but were at the headquarters doing their daily chores, such as preparing signs, going to demonstra�ons and other various tasks, and appearing on the media. Along all phases, the campaign shi�ed between despair and hope, from low moments to many moments of exalta�on and faith. During the intense campaign, on the one hand, and the looming displacement, on the other hand, there were also severe terrorist a�acks and security tensions. It was not simple at all. Employees of the social services department came to the rescue. They strengthened the overburdened residents, calmed them down, addressed every trauma and request, worked with the local emergency teams, opened addi�onal branches in the northern Gaza Strip and Netzarim, and engaged as many people as possible in ac�on, with the understanding that ac�vity significantly lowers anxiety levels.21 Nothing stopped the campaign and did not prevent the residents from going on any necessary mission. The hope that they would succeed in making the public understand the danger of Prime Minister Sharon's plan for the en�re State of Israel and the residents as individuals, energized them. They also trusted God in the full sense of the word, and con�nued to sow, build houses and cul�vate beau�ful gardens. Assisted by the 'Believe and Sow' Founda�on, established by the late Rabbi Hanan Porat of Kfar Etzion and Rabbi Bnaya Lifshitz of Neve Dekalim, farmers managed to sow seedlings for the next season, as a statement of strength, dedica�on and great faith, for the sake of other bewildered farmers and residents.22 The Rela�onship with the SELA Disengagement Authority While the SELA directorate (Acronym of "Assistance to the Residents of Gaza and Northern Samaria"), the government body established to treat and help the evacuees, tried to promote the displacement by persuading residents to sign Evacua�on-Compensa�on deals, the situa�on on the ground was the opposite. The absolute majority of residents did not cooperate with the SELA Authority and stood firm against the system of tempta�ons and threats used against them. "The administra�on was unable to break the spirit of the residents, as in the days of Yamit, which is the greatness of the residents," said Rabbi Itzik Amitai, "through false adver�sements that 'there is a solu�on for each se�ler,' they promised and hoped that the majority would leave, but all of them were truly righteous (Tzadikim)."23 New residents who joined Gush Ka�f at that stage also led to its growth and strengthening. According to Ministry of Interior data published at the beginning of 2005, the number of residents in the Gaza Strip se�lements increased by 11% in 2004 —the highest in the country.24 This was also an important part of the struggle over Gush Ka�f. The Hidden Internal Struggle As the date of displacement approached, a hidden internal struggle began within Gush Ka�f - should we prepare for the worst if it comes, or stay with our strong faith and do nothing? Should we start talking to appraisers and lawyers, or talk to God and show him that we are wai�ng for a great miracle? Should I look for a place for the family the day a�er, or entrust everything to the Lord? should I start packing, 1 Youth rally at Lake Ka�f 2 A support ceremony of Gush Ka�f youth in their parents' struggle. 3 A new house in Gush Ka�f on the eve of disengagement 4 A 3-day march towards Jerusalem 5 The 'Believe and Sow' Founda�on 6 Rabbi Yigal Kaminetzky plan�ng as part of the 'Believe and Sow'
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